Granthshala editorial: Justin Trudeau bet the electorate would reward him with a majority. Things did not go according to plan

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Unnecessary, but hardly insignificant. Quite as expected, and still full of surprises.

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The election that should never have happened ends with Canada’s two major parties contemplating what could have happened, and measuring the distance between reach and understanding.

There is an old saying that the best plan in war is never the first contact with the enemy. Once hostilities broke out, liberals and Conservatives alike found that opponents were thwarting some of their best plans.

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Liberal leader Justin Trudeau sent Canadians to an early election in hopes of being rewarded with a majority. Instead, the Liberals found that triggering the election in the midst of a pandemic fourth wave had seriously triggered voters.

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The outcry was widespread, and it never completely ended. It was made worse by the fact that the most obvious question – why did you call this election? One is the Liberal Brain Trust was somehow not ready to answer. He could never find the right words.

The election ended as soon as it began, with other parties tapping into the dismay felt by so many voters across the political spectrum. As a result, Mr Trudeau was returned as prime minister, but the majority denied that was his sole reason for calling the election.

If the Liberal plan didn’t completely escape exposure to its own miscalculations, neither did Erin O’Toole. The conservative leader’s daily mantra was “I have a plan / Jai Un plan.” And he’ll maintain that plan by answering every other question, with its 160-plus-page heist branded as proof that he’s serious, substantial, and ready to rule.

It’s a good thing to have a stage for a party. And there were a lot of good things about the progressive conservative conservative platform of 2021. It was a development away from 2015 and 2019, and development is what the Conservative Party needs to win.

The problem was that parts of Mr O’Toole’s platform kept changing after the campaign started. Presented as a finished building, ready for occupancy by a new government, work on some of its rooms was in progress.

Editorial: Conservative platform certainly looks different, now it has numbers

Take control of the gun. Mr. O’Toole at first tried to avoid and confuse the precise nature of his plan; When their answers did not match the wording of the forum, the forum was reinterpreted, promised a rewrite, and then rewritten, although not exactly as promised. The back-and-forth ate up several days of campaigning, and at the end of it all, the Conservative gun-control plan was less clear than it was at the beginning.

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The Conservative platform was also at no cost for the first few weeks – a numbers-free zone. Once the costings were released, just before the official French-language debate, the numbers gave a different color to Tory child-care plans, with budgets roughly one-10th the size of the Liberal plan, and no long-term for provincials. There was no funding. program.

It was around this time that the Conservatives’ increasing voting numbers began to settle and reverse. In response, Mr O’Toole tried to make his plan less clear by writing an open letter to the premier of Quebec, indicating that perhaps additional funding for child care could still be negotiable.

Liberals have always held on to the idea that conservatives have a hidden agenda, and so much Tory confusion and volatility didn’t really make for the best counterargument. On abortion, Mr. O’Toole’s plan ended the usual liberal accusations by being clear. It said: “A Conservative government would not support any legislation to control abortion.” clear enough. But some other parts of the stage were spent in conducting elections as prosecution witnesses.

However when it came to acting as his own worst enemy, no one could touch the Greens. Canada’s fifth most popular national party, apparently about the environment, instead spent the year distinguishing itself on Israel. Its electoral reward was to become Canada’s sixth most popular party, at least as measured by the popular vote.

Two parties ended grateful night for the election, and their unearned good fortune: the Bloc Québécois and the People’s Party.

For BQ, libel came as a gift of humiliation, courtesy of the moderators of the English-language debate. The boost they received saved some BQ seats, and it appears that the Conservatives have been hurt more than the Liberals.

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As for the PPC, his move beyond the fringe to the center of an angry fringe was entirely due in part to the call for a vote in the midst of a pandemic. The result was zero PPC seats, but this reduced Conservative strength in many places, and the loss of some seats that might otherwise have been Conservative.

Since this was a pandemic election, all those special mail-in ballots are yet to be counted. That won’t start until Tuesday, and may not end until Wednesday or later. The final list of members of the House of Commons could still turn into a handful of close races. But the bigger picture – a Liberal minority, with party-by-party seat counting almost the same as before the election – will not happen.

The party that has the most enthusiasm, though not much, may be the New Democrats. In the early hours of Tuesday, the NDP grabbed a few seats. In parts of western Canada, he further displaced the Liberals as the preferred alternative to the Tories.

For a liberal government that launched a campaign by bidding for a majority and thanking its lucky stars for retaining a minority as well, such unintended consequences were the workings of the electoral law.

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