The problem presented by Trump now is not an unusual one for past presidencies – it is the corrosive effect it will have on the nation in the future.
As Trump teases another race in the White House, his behavior and new accounts of his wild final days in office are becoming too strange to ignore, given that he’s already running into the prohibition of the Republican nomination. are favourites. Before that, he is the tip of the spear of the GOP bid to retake the House in the midterm election next year. The price of admission for either party’s candidate is like a lie sold to millions that Trump is still the perfect president. And he is undoubtedly the dominant force in Republican politics—even if his more radical demeanor makes his appeal in the national election more questionable. At least in an election that is free and fair.
The revelations of Woodward and Costa’s “Peril” are the most grim and worrisome to date. If they drop out, they won’t be a case of a president tearing down the structures of American democracy—as he did with the January 6 US Capitol rebellion, which hampered Biden’s certification as the winner of November’s election. was designed to do. But they would also represent a sign that the country’s most senior military official believed Trump was a serious threat to the world in feverish days when he was trying to cling to power.
And Miley was far from alone in his worries. Then-CIA chief Gina Haspel feared Trump was on the way to a right-wing coup or attack on Iran. And in another shocking move, reporters say Milley also had back-channel contacts with his Chinese counterpart, who were concerned that Beijing might also be in Trump’s sights.
met in the center of the storm
Milley has not publicly commented on the bombings. But he was at the center of a debate on Tuesday night whether he had taken the proper precautions to curb a president who had been derailed.
For example, Republican Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida, was among some who called for Biden to sack Milley, after claiming that the general had almost sacrilegious of civilian control of the military by back-channeling a potential presidential order. principle was violated.
But according to the copy obtained by Granthshala, Woodward and Costa addressed Milley’s actions in the foreword to the book. “Was he sabotaging the president?” He has written. “Some might argue that Milley had exceeded his authority and taken extraordinary power for himself. But he believed that his actions, to ensure that the international There was no historical breakdown in the system, no accidental war with China or others, and no use of nuclear weapons.”
At least there will be pressure on the chairman of the Joint Chiefs to explain his side of the story to the Congress.
The level of documentation in the new book, which includes a transcript of a call in which House Speakers Nancy Pelosi and Milley agreed on the threat posed by the then-president’s “crazy” behavior, suggests there may be more to tell. Is.
Previous reports from earlier this summer indicated that Milley had informally planned a variety of methods to deter Trump, including the cascading resignations of top national security leaders, as he became the then-president after the November election. were deeply concerned by the behavior – even going so far as to speak aloud over fears of Trump’s attempted coup.
Trump lashed out at Milley on Tuesday night, demanding action against him.
“For the record, I never even thought of attacking China and China knows this,” Trump wrote in a statement. “The people who fabricated the story are sick and crazy, and the people who printed it are just as bad. In fact, I’m the only president in decades who didn’t put America at war.”
Why Trump Can’t Be Ignored
The book raises a number of worrying issues.
What behind the scenes were even more fearful than outsiders about Trump’s behavior following the inciting to sack Capitol Hill in early January puts the national trauma into even more dire perspective.
While Trump’s rhetoric was often worse than his actions – in his warnings that he might rain “fire and fury” on North Korea – there is plenty of evidence that the US and the world would face additional danger with him in office. faced. It stems from his two impeachments for blatant abuse of power and his apparent attempt to obstruct justice by firing then-FBI Director James Comey.
Some anti-Trumps, Democrats and consumers of journalism want the media to stop talking about him because he no longer has power. And there’s nothing Trump wants more than attention — even the glare of bad publicity. The next presidential election is three years away, and perhaps new evidence of Trump’s apparent disqualification for office will offer Republican rivals some steel that could lead them into the presidential primary race. However, it seems like a long shot, as any GOP official who has criticized Trump in recent years has found himself ostracized from the party’s base.
But now there can be little doubt about what kind of presidency the United States will face in the new four-year term. And Republicans, especially those in the House, who have effectively handed down their brand of authoritarian conservatism to their party, must also be held accountable for the kind of figure they are capable of and their ability to ride to power. trying.
Still, it’s unlikely that a new book involving Woodward will do anything to undermine the former president’s base of support. A Granthshala poll published this week found 63% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents said they want Trump as the leader of their party. Six in 10 say that supporting Trump and believing he will win in 2020 is an important part of being a Republican for him.
If recent history is a guide, Republicans in positions of power will shy away from new revelations. The conservative media complex would label them “fake news”. And the idea that a senior member of the military establishment may have tried to subvert Trump’s powers will only encourage those who believe a “deep state” failed an innocent president.
There is a certain sense — born out of five years of scandals, crushing presidential norms and evidence of the political damage that an out-of-control president can do — that doesn’t kill Trump’s political career.
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